Ri-progettare il mondo nell'epoca delle crisi

At the time of de-globalisation, the idea of a shared international project leaves more and more place to the interests of elites and nations. Established balances collapse, political authoritarianism strengthens, the path of rearmament and economic struggle take the place of dialogue and cooperation. Frontiers close, become impermeable, to the benefit of a nationalist perspective that promotes mechanisms to repatriate migrants. The dream of a supranational alliance for the resolution of global problems disappears. Where has the common project of society gone? Where to begin to re-design a collective trajectory?

The construction of a new equilibrium, in which power is distributed and not relegated to the interests of individual economic and state powers, seems, as of today, the only way to build a system based on what Stefano Rodotà has called “constitutionalism of needs”, i.e. a system in favour of a society in which “the right to have rights” becomes a common reality.

In this perspective, refocusing the principles of local constitutions or inter-state bodies - such as the UN Charter - could be a start. But how do the international powers with imperialist and economic lusts deal with these assumptions? How does Europe cry rearmament? How does the Italy of the migrant fight and the externalisation of frontiers, in which those who escape their homeland find themselves further and further excluded?

Europe today finds itself forced to redefine its role within the international framework. Is surrender to rearmament really the decisive choice? The Ventotene Manifesto, written when Europe was familiar with war, emphasises the need to support a Union that promotes a society based on the rule of law, in accordance with the foundations of peace and solidarity. However, the recent European response to international pressures, as well as the current management of migration dynamics, projects the Union towards a future as a “war power”. In a period when the prerogative of uniting, of putting up a united front, only seems to take hold in the face of a hypothetical conflict, or a supposed “other”/foreigner from whom to defend oneself, it becomes necessary to draw the lines of a genuine cooperation that does not translate into a simple militarist or emergency response. How can we recover the dream of a united and united Europe, European principles in hand?